LEGAL ACTIVISTS OF COLOR
News, Events, Actions and Commentary on law and social justice. Welcome to the official blog of the United People of Color Caucus (TUPOCC) of the National Lawyers Guild.
Showing posts with label Mexico. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mexico. Show all posts

Saturday, November 22, 2008

Uncovering the racism of nativism in the US

Recent reports about the murder of Marcelo Lucero in the TUPOCC Yahoo! group prompted me to ask us to consider how legal activists of color, and our friends, might use critical legal theory and our experiential insights to uncover the racism of US nativism and and change popular understandings of today's anti-immigrant movement.

I referred to a Facing Race conference workshop that some of us attended on this subject last week, and a compañero in New York just mentioned today's Black Alliance for Just Immigration (BAJI)'s conference on Galvanizing our Power for Action: Building Bridges between African-American and Immigrant Communities.

BAJI does great work, and I think we should all learn and talk about the relationship of US racism and nativism. In my Chicanos, Law, and Criminal Justice class at UC Berkeley, I teach about how the US has historically racialized Latinas/os vis-a-vis Indigenous and African peoples. In this post I share some resources and sketch my understanding of the racism of US nativism.


Let's start with the Anglo seizure of Tejas and the US invasion of México in the first half of the 19th century.  

(N.B. Before continuing, it's important to acknowledge that all history is highly complicated, and we have imperfect means from fragmented sources to know the past.  Certainly some Tejano elites joined Anglos in establishing Texas as an independent republic in 1836; similarly, the US-Mexican War had multiple factors.  However, as I have asserted, my critical analysis of these past events has led me to frame them as the Anglo seizure of Tejas y the US invasion de México.)

As many have written, relations between the US and México soured in that early to mid 19th century period.  In particular, numerous influential US congressmen railed against México as a nation of degenerate mongrels and expressed fear about incorporating territories with substantial numbers of them (us, colored folks).

I use a few excerpts to teach about this history, including Chapter Four, "Latinas/os" of Perea, Delgado, Harris, Stefancic & Wildman's Race and Races: Cases and Resources for a Diverse America, 2d ed. (2007), and the excerpt of Ian Haney López's The Social Construction of Race: Some Observations on Illusion, Fabrication, and Choice in Davis, Johnson & Martínez's A Reader on Race, Civil Rights, and American Law (2001).

The important point vis-a-vis conventional ideas about the "black-white binary" of race in the US today is that Latinas/os--particularly Mexicans and Puerto Ricans--in the 19th century challenged the US Anglo imaginary with a somewhat different dilemma than that posed by "the peculiar institution" of slavery.  

Instead of an internal non-white "minority," México y Porto Rico presented the specter of already racially-mixed societies.  And, according to the US Anglo conceptualization of race in the 19th century, the inferiority of a racially-mixed mongrel was even greater than that of a non-white Indian or African.  Contemporary ideas promulgated at that time held that mixing the races produced an inferior breed to any of the "pure" races.  

(Contrast these ideas with the 1990's celebration of multi-racial minorities, or the (re)discovery of bi-raciality.  In turn, understand that always already, folks be hella mixed.  Racial purity is a lie and an invidious illusion.)

From these first moments when the US incorporated of parts of México (starting with Tejas from 1836 to 1845, then including the lands ceded under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848 and finally those later acquired in the Compromise of 1850 and the Gadsen Purchase of 1853), the idea of US nativism became even more complexly tied to racism.  Previously the notion of US nativism was already fraught with contradictions given the genocide of Indigenous people and the situation of "native-born" African Americans, who were nonetheless legally excluded from enjoying their (our) human rights, including of course U.S. and state citizenship.

In the two decades prior to the Civil War and Reconstruction, however, the US incorporated a massive new territory inhabited by a substantial new "minority," which demaned an evolution in the means of subordination, i.e., the racialization of "Mexicans," first as "Greasers" (as in the infamous California anti-vagrancy law of 1855) and later as "cheap labor."

A foundational resource for understanding this history is Tomás Almaguer's Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California (1994, new edition forthcoming 2008).  Chapter One, "'We Desire Only a White Population in California' - The Transformation of Mexican California in Historical-Sociological Perspective," is particularly useful.  Another useful resource is Gilbert Paul Carrasco's Latinos in the United States: Invitation and Exile in Juan Perea's Immigrants Out! The New Nativism and the Anti-Immigrant Impulse in the United States (1997).  

A new book that I will likely incorporate into this section of my class is Laura Gómez's  Manifest Destinties: The Making of the Mexican American Race (2008), which provides critical insights into this history beyond the California context.  Understanding "Mexican" racialization in New Mexico is particularly important because that region remained a territory for 62 years -- from 1850 to 1912 -- until the Anglo population outnumbered the Hispano population.  New Mexico is also important en la conciencia xican@ (in Chicana/o consciousness) because the New Mexico Territory was broken into parts to form Arizona, parts of Colorado and eventually New Mexico; it also has great importance as a site of centurial armed resistance to Anglo domination, from Las Gorras Blancas of the late 19th century through the efforts of Reies López Tijerina y La Alianza Federal de Mercedes in the 1960s.)

As Almaguer argues persuasively, using archival historical sources, the racialization of "Mexicans" in the US extended and evolved earlier forms of US racism against Indigenous and African people.  In turn, Carrasco's chapter details how the racialization of "Mexicans" was particularly linked to the evolving labor demands of the 19th and 20th century, e.g., the Gold Rush, agricultural work, World War I, the Great Depression and the so-called "repatriation" campaigns of the 1930s, World War II and the second Bracero Program, "Operation: Wetback" and the H-2 visa program.  (Gómez's arguments complement these by advancing her notion of Mexican Americans being "off-white," meaning sometimes defined as legally white but almost always defined as socially non-white, and grounding her concept in the particular history of New Mexico.)

Here is the take away point for folks open to understanding (and interested in articulating clearly) how racism is at the root of US nativism: Anglos evolved and extended US racism from the history of Indigenous genocide and African slavery as the US conquered and annexed the vast Mexican territory now known as the Southwest.  In so doing, the US force a terrible Faustian pact onto Mexican Americans (and by implication all Latinas/os): deny your Indigenousness, denigrate your Blackness and aspire to racial Whiteness, or be ready for subjugation like an African and slaughter like an Indian.

Geography, region and social space is the critical factor that blinds some of us from seeing the connections between historical and contemporary racism(s) and nativism(s).  Without understanding the foundational historic racialization of "Mexicans" (and the also salient historic racialization of Puerto Ricans) vis-a-vis Anglo American government, citizenship and political economy, it might be confusing to hear me say that US nativism is a form of racism, or and to understand how these ideologies overlap substantially.

However, to one who knows this history, today's nativism--whether it be in Congress, en la frontera or in Long Island--looks like it clearly continues the sorry past.

***

I'll end by citing two more important texts about these ideas.  See Robert S. Chang & Keith Aoki, Centering the Immigrant in the Inter/National Imagination, 85 California Law Review 1395, 10 La Raza Law Journal 309 (1997) (published simultaneously in both journals).  While I have not taught it yet, I read Chang & Aoki's explanation of "nativistic racism" during law school and recall it being rich with insights on this subject.

Second, Juan Perea's, Demography and Distrust: An Essay on American Languages, Cultural Pluralism, and Official English, 77 Minnesota Law Review 269 (1992) is a well structured history of the hidden past of US multilingualism, e.g., French, German, Spanish and English, at the founding and throughout the history of the US and its various states.

Monday, August 18, 2008

U.S. Immigration In an Age of Global Apartheid

Story of U.S. Immigration In An Age of Global Apartheid

August, 14 2008
By Ben Terrall
Z-net

In his 2001 book, Operation Gatekeeper: The Rise of the ‘Illegal Alien' and the Remaking of the U.S.-Mexico Boundary (Routledge), Joseph Nevins focused on the Clinton Administration's initiatives to heighten security at the U.S.-Mexico border.

That book showed how the alleged goal of reducing immigration to the U.S. by pushing potential migrants from "urban corridors" to remote regions only made the crossing more dangerous, and thus contributed to more needless deaths of poor Mexicans and Central Americans. It also made clear that previous to the 1970s, travel between Mexico and the U.S. was not a national issue.

Nevins's new book, Dying to Live: A Story of U.S. Immigration In An Age of Global Apartheid (City Lights Publishers, 2008), continues his earlier examination of border policies, but personalizes its analysis by looking at the tragic story of one hard-working family man, Julio Cesar Gallegos, who died with five other men and one young woman in 1998 in Southern California's Imperial Valley Desert.

Thursday, September 13, 2007

Democracy Now! - Thousands Turn Out For Immigrant Rights Protest Against Social Security "No Match" Letters

courtesy Democracy Now! [edited]

Links to Spanish translations follow English!

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in this email:

1. Thousands Turn Out For Immigrant Rights Protest Against Social Security "No Match" Letters

2. Immigrant Groups Launch Boycott of Western Union Over Money Transfer Fees

3. Separated by Deportation, Mother, Son Lead Joint Rallies for Immigrant Rights

4. Meatpacking Workers File Suit Over Immigration Raids


================

http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/09/13/1445232


Thursday, September 13th, 2007
Thousands Turn Out For Immigrant Rights Protest Against Social Security "No Match" Letters

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Immigration rights activists declared Wednesday a national day of action against new immigration measures announced by the Department of Homeland Security last month. One of the rules converts Social Security "no match" letters into a tool of immigration enforcement. The letters are sent to employers when a worker's stated social security number does not match records in government databases.


Immigration rights activists declared Wednesday a national day of action against new immigration measures announced by the Department of Homeland Security last month. One of the rules converts Social Security "no match" letters into a tool of immigration enforcement. "No match" letters are sent to employers when a worker's stated social security number does not match records in government databases. Until now they were used to notify employees of the benefits they could lose as a result of the discrepancy. Under the new rule, employers are required to fire workers or face fines and criminal charges unless the discrepancy is remedied within 90 days.

Last month, a San Francisco judge ordered a temporary stay on sending out new versions of the letters. A hearing is scheduled for October 1st, but activists warn that some employers are not waiting for the case to be resolved in court before taking action.

On Wednesday, thousands took to the streets in cities across the country against this pending crackdown that threatens the jobs of 8 million documented and undocumented workers. Milwaukee, Wisconsin had the largest turnout with an estimated 10,000 people observing a day of "No work, no school, no purchases."

* Christine Neumann-Ortiz, executive director of Voces de la Frontera, a low-wage and immigrant workers center in Milwaukee and Racine, Wisconsin. Voces de la Frontera organized Wednesday's rally in Milwaukee.

To read, watch, or listen: http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/09/13/1445232


========================


Thursday, September 13th, 2007
Immigrant Groups Launch Boycott of Western Union Over Money Transfer Fees

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A network of over 150 immigrant organizations across the country have launched a boycott of money transfer giant Western Union. The organizations accuse Western Union of charging immigrants exorbitant fees and non-standard exchange rates when they try to send money home. We speak with a coordinator for the Transnational Institute for Grassroots Research and Action, the umbrella organization coordinating the Western Union boycott.

Immigration reform might have died in the Senate earlier this summer, but the movement for immigrant rights is very much alive. Although Democratic hopefuls at the first Spanish-language Presidential debate broadcast Sunday focused on the importance of border security, immigrant rights advocates aim to steer the debate in another direction. They are emphasizing the economic security of migrant workers.

A network of over 150 immigrant organizations across the country have launched a boycott of money transfer giant Western Union. The organizations accuse Western Union of charging immigrants exorbitant fees and non-standard exchange rates when they try to send money home. The boycott organizers say that Western Union's annual profit of over one billion dollars comes from the fees paid on remittances sent by migrant workers to their home countries. Yet, Western Union, they say, reinvests only 41 cents for every $100 of profit back into these immigrant communities.

* Kayhan Irani, New York - New Jersey regional coordinator for TIGRA, the Transnational Institute for Grassroots Research and Action. TIGRA is the umbrella organization coordinating the Western Union boycott.


to read, watch, or listen: http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/09/13/1445227

====================

Thursday, September 13th, 2007
Headlines for September 13, 2007 [edited]

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- Meatpacking Workers File Suit Over Immigration Raids


Separated by Deportation, Mother, Son Lead Joint Rallies for Immigrant Rights

A deported immigrant rights activist and her eight-year old son led parallel rallies for immigrant rights Wednesday in Washington and Tijuana. Elvira Arellano was deported to Mexico last month following a year of refuge inside a Chicago church. On Wednesday, Arellano led dozens through Tijuana’s streets calling for an end to the US government crackdown on undocumented immigrants.

Elvira Arellano: "The call that I made to be in Washington D.C. on September 12, was important. I was deported and this was where I was deported. Hundreds of families are separated here everyday."

Meanwhile in Washington, Arellano’s son Saul led a chanting crowd of more than one hundred fifty people through the Capitol building. Saul Arellano joined with a group of other children to carry a banner reading: “Born in the USA. Don’t take our moms and dads away.”

Meatpacking Workers File Suit Over Immigration Raids

A union representing workers at six meatpacking plants has filed suit against immigration officials over raids that led to more than one thousand arrests last year. The suit accuses the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement of roughly handling more than twelve thousand workers of the meatpacking company Swift. The United Food and Commercial Workers International Union says workers not accused of any crime were handcuffed for hours and denied access to phones, legal counsel, bathrooms and their families. The suit seeks financial damages and an end to the raids.

http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/09/13/1444255

========================

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Friday, February 16, 2007

Southwest Daily News - Guest workers allege slavery locally [- Passports Returned]

Guest workers allege slavery locally
Published: Thursday, February 15, 2007 7:06 PM CST

http://www.sulphurdailynews.com/articles/2007/02/16/news/news.txt

Guest workers protest alleged mistreatment by their employer. Photos by Victoria Hartley
MARY ANN DUTTON, Staff Writer

In a press conference held in Sulphur on Thursday, the Alliance of Guest Workers for Dignity spokesman Saket Soni was the voice of 30 plus Mexican guest workers, all here in the U.S. legally, gathered beside him.

“Close to 100 Mexican gues workers have been trapped for months in Westlake after their employer illegally confiscated their passports,” Soni said. “These workers were recruited under false pretenses and transported to the U.S. where they have been subjected to humiliating conditions and treatment.

“Workers and advocates allege that the employer, a prominant business leader, has violated anti-slavery and human trafficking laws while leasing the workers to local businesses for profit.”

Soni said workers were defrauded by their employer who promised steady work and fair pay. Workers say the employer collected $400 for airfare from each of them, but after they paid the money were transported by vans to the U. S. Once they crossed the border, the drivers collected their passports. Despite numerous requests by the workers, the employer refuses to return their passports. Workers who have organized to demand their passports say they have faced retaliation and threats of deportation.

According to Soni the men were hired by a company under the name of Louisiana Labor, LLC. The workers say their employer is Matt Redd of Redd Properties.

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A Calcasieu Parish Sheriff's deputy talks with protest organizers outside of Redd Properties in Sulphur. Photos by Victoria Hartley [see original for image]

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Fernando Rivera said he was one of the first workers brought to the U. S. by Matt Redd. He has been in the Sulphur area for about five months.

“We get stopped by the police here and our asked for identification,” said Rivera. “We showed them the photocopy of our visa that our employer gave us, but they want the legal documents. They told me if they stop me a second time without my papers, they will deport me.”

The “papers” necessary to prove the men are here legally are their passports which were confiscated by the employer.


Rivera's mom has liver cancer and is going to have surgery. He wants to go to Mexico for the surgery so he can donate blood. Without his documents he is unable to travel.
Jose Juan Sanchez was told he would be working as a welder in the U. S., and the only cost that he would incur would be for passports. Instead, the company took away his visa and told him they had no work for him. Sanchez said the man spoke to the group, about 30, and told them that he had paid $1,000 for each of them. He went on to say that each of them now owed him $400, plus $200 more that he lent to them over the last two weeks. Sanchez said the man was not Matt Redd.

Now Sanchez and the other workers have been offered work elsewhere, but are unable to go because they do not have their documents.


Another worker, Hernando Reni from Mexico City, has not worked for two weeks. He came to the U. S. with an H-2B visa which allows him to work here. Now he feels like a prisoner.

One of the workers contacted an attorney in Mexico when the employer would not return his passport. He had met the attorney while sharing a taxi ride in Mexico City. The attorney then contacted the Alliance of Guest Workers for Dignity.

When Curtis Muhammad of the New Orleans Survivors Council heard about the plight of the men in Westlake, members from his organization and the New Orleans Workers Center for Racial Justice traveled with Soni to Sulphur to address the employer.


Muhammad and Soni led the group of men on a march down Beglis Parkway to the Redd Properties Office. Office staff said Matt Redd was not there. When Soni asked if he could phone Redd, he was told Redd was in a meeting in Lake Charles and could not be interrupted. Another man in the office asked the crowd of workers, protesters and media to leave the office.

“May I have your name, sir,” Soni said. The man responded by saying, “I think you should leave now.”

About the time the crowd left Redd Properties' office the Calcasieu Parish Sheriff's officers arrived. Organizers of the protest explained what was going on and Sheriff Tony Mancuso was contacted.


Prior to arriving in Sulphur, organizers and workers alerted the U. S. Attoney General, U. S. Department of Justice, F.B.I., and other state and local law enforcement agencies.
No resolution has been reached as of yet, though Rivera heard from other workers that he was being fired and sent back home. Yesterday's events resulted in the Calcasieu Parish Sheriff's Office assisting the workers in retrieving their passports.

Check out the new AOL. Most comprehensive set of free safety and security tools, free access to millions of high-quality videos from across the web, free AOL Mail and more.

Thursday, May 04, 2006

Mexico Welcomed Fugitive Slaves and African American Job-Seekers

New Perspectives on the Immigration Debate

from the Africans for Cuba list serve
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/AfricansForCuba/


Ron Wilkins
Patrice Lumumba Coalition
-------------------------------------------------------------
RW is a former member of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee (SNCC) and is presently a professor in the Department of
Africana Studies at California State University, Dominguez Hills
------------------------------------------------------------

There are of course, many angles from which to view the escalating
immigration debate. Mexican immigrants, who constitute the largest
share of the undocumented, have a unique history with the African
population inside the United States. As the Black community weighs
in on this very contentious issue, it becomes necessary for us
( both black and brown) to review the history that we share.

However, before reviewing our history together, I need to say
unequivocally that the U.S. seizure of more than half of Mexico's
territory in 1848 netted Washington more than 80% of Mexico's
fertile land and was a criminal act. And that if Mexico today,
still included California and Texas, she would possess more oil
than Saudi Arabia and have sufficient economic infrastructure to
employ all of her people. When Mexican people say that "the border
crossed us, we did not cross the border", they speak the truth, and
more black people (most of whom are not strangers to oppression,
exploitation, domination and exclusion) need to appreciate that.

It has been said that for most of the 19th century, Mexican
immigrants were more highly regarded by African Americans, than any
other immigrant group. What may account for this, at least in part,
is the enormous if not pivotal role undertaken by black fighters in
the war to secure Mexican independence from Spain and abolish
slavery. Unfortunately, many of us repeat the falsehoods of our
adversaries and have forgotten our special relationship with
Mexican and Indigenous peoples.

It is time that our memories be restored and that the naysayers and
nativist negroes among us either put up or shut up. What follows is
the little known history of Mexico serving as a refuge for fugitive
slaves and a provider of job opportunities for blacks emigrating
from the U.S. to Mexico.

Mexico as a Haven for Fugitive Slaves

Fromthe very beginning of his Texas colonization scheme, a
determined and deceitful Stephen Austin sought to have Mexican
officials acquiesce to the settlement of slave-owning whites into
the territory. It was generally acknowledged that the people and
government of Mexico abhorred slavery and were determined to
prohibit its practice within the Mexican republic. Beginning in
1822, at least 20,000 Anglos, many with their slave property,
settled into Texas. Jared Groce, one of the first of Stephen
Austin's Texas settlers that year, arrived with 90 enslaved
Africans. The Mexican Federal Law of July 13, 1824 clearly favored
and promoted the emancipation of slaves. Mexico had even stipulated
that it was prepared to compensate North American owners of
fugitive slaves. Determined instead to have things their way,
Anglos began to press for an extradition treaty which would require
Mexico to return fugitive slaves.

From1825 until the end of the Civil War in 1865, Mexican
authorities continuously thwarted attempts by slave-holding Texas
settlers, to conclude fugitive slave extradition treaties between
the two parties. During this period of extremely tense relations
between the two governments, Mexico consistently repudiated and
forbade the institution of slavery in its territory, while U.S.
officials and Texas slave-owners continuously sought ways to
circumvent Mexican law. The Mexican authorities thwarted repeated
attempts by slave-holding Texas settlers, to conclude fugitive
slave extradition treaties between the two parties.

In 1826 the Committee of Foreign Relations of the Mexican Chamber
of Deputies refused to compromise on the issue of fugitive slaves
and defended the right of enslaved Africans to liberate themselves.
Mexican government officials cited "the inalienable right which the
Author of nature has conceded to him (meaning enslaved persons)".
Congress member Erasmo Seguin from Texas commented that the
Congress was "resolved to decree the perpetual extinction in the
Republic of commerce and traffic in slaves, and that their
introduction into our territory should not be permitted under any
pretext".

Again, in October 1828 the Mexican Senate rejected 14 articles of a
newly-proposed treaty and harshly criticized article 33, stating
"it would be most extraordinary that in a treaty between two free
republics slavery should be encouraged by obliging ours to deliver
up fugitive slaves to their merciless and barbarous masters of
North America".

Reporting on the growing number of Anglo settlers in Texas, Mexican
General Teran reported "most of them have slaves, and these slaves
are beginning to learn the favorable intent of Mexican law to their
unfortunate condition and are becoming restless under their
yokes ..." General Teran went on to describe the cruelty meted out
by masters to restless slaves; "they extract their teeth, set on
the dogs to tear them in pieces, the most lenient being he who but
flogs his slaves until they are flayed".

On September 15, 1829 Afro-Mexican President Vicente Guerrero
signed a decree banning slavery in the Mexican Republic. Yielding
to appeals from panicked settlers and Mexican collaborators who saw
Mexico benefiting economically from the Anglo presence, Guerrero
exempted Texas from the prohibition on the introduction of slaves
into the republic, on December 2nd. Several months later, the
Mexican government severely restricted Anglo immigration and banned
the introduction of slaves into the republic.

Undeterred, the Anglos succeeded in negotiating a new treaty with
Mexico in 1831, which included article 34, which called for pursuit
and reclamation of fugitive slaves. After considerable wrangling
between the Mexican Chamber of Deputies and Senate, article 34 was
removed from the treaty. Also, by 1831 it became apparent through
debate within the Mexican Senate that the government's welcoming of
fugitive slaves was not completely altruistic. Some Mexican
officials, fearful of U.S. military intervention, had begun to see
it as wise to encourage the development of runaway slave colonies
along the Northern border as a way to lessen the threat posed by
the U.S. As historian Rosalie Schwartz put it, many Mexican
officials "reasoned, these fugitives, choosing between liberty
under the Mexican government and bondage in the United States,
would fight to protect their Mexican freedom more vigorously than
any mercenaries". As the interests of Mexican officials and U.S.
abolitionists coincided during the early 1830's, a modest number of
former slaves established themselves in Texas and fared well during
the period.

In 1836, after the fall of the Alamo and its slave-owning or pro- slavery
leaders, such as William Travis, Jim Bowie and Davy
Crockett, Mexican forces were defeated and an independent Texas was
eventually annexed by the United States. However, before the
expulsion of Mexican forces from Texas, Brigadier General Jose
Urrea evicted scores of illegally-settled plantation owners,
liberated slaves, and in many instances, granted them on-the-spot
titles to the land they had worked. Oddly enough, many black people
call for "forty acres and a mule" -- a reference to Union General
Sherman's Special Field Order 15 and General Howard's Circular 13,
which made some land available to former slaves. But what one
never hears are references to Mexican General Jose Urrea and the
land titles that he and his men granted to former Texas slaves,
following the defeat of the Alamo, a generation before the "Civil
War".

Even after the loss of Texas, Mexican officials refused to formally
acknowledge Texas independence on the grounds that it "would be
equivalent to the sanction and recognition of slavery". After Texas
independence the slave population mushroomed and the number of
runaways across the South-Texas-North-Mexico border, increased. In
1842 Mexico's Constitutional Congress reasserted the nation's
commitment to fugitive slaves. In 1847, 38,753 slaves and 102,961
whites were listed in the first official Texas census. In 1850, in
a new treaty accord with the United States, Mexico again refused to
provide for the return of fugitive slaves

The slave institution in Texas was continuously undermined by
defiant Tejanos (Mexicans in Texas) who took great risks and
invested enormous resources toward facilitating the escape of
enslaved Africans. The Texas to Mexico routes to freedom
constituted major unacknowledged extensions of the "Underground
Railroad". Tejanos were variously accused of "tampering with slave
property", "consorting with blacks" and stirring up among the
slave population "a spirit of insubordination".

Plantation owners in Central Texas adopted various resolutions
aimed at preventing Mexicans from aiding the slave population.
Whites in Guadalupe County prohibited Mexican "peons" from entering
the county and anyone from conducting business or interacting with
enslaved persons without authorization from the owners. Bexar
County whites suggested that "Mexican strangers entering from San
Antonio register at the mayor's office and give an account of
themselves and their business". Delegates to a convention in
Gonzales resolved that "counties should organize vigilance
committees to prosecute persons tampering with slaves" and that all
citizens and slaveholders were to endeavor to prevent Mexicans
from communicating with blacks. Whites in Austin decreed that "all
transient Mexicans should be warned to leave within ten days, that
all remaining should be forcibly expelled unless their good
character and good behavior were substantiated by responsible
American citizens" and that "Mexicans should no longer be employed
and their presence in the area should be discouraged". In
Matagorda County, all Mexicans were driven out under the bogus
claim that they were wandering, indigent sub-humans who "have no
fixed domicile, but hang around the plantations, taking the
likeliest negro girls for wives ... they often steal horses, and
these girls too, and endeavor to run them to Mexico".

By the year 1855, the estimates were that as many as 4000 to 5000
formerly enslaved Africans had escaped to Mexico. Slaveholders
became so alarmed at this trend, that they requested and received,
approximately 1/5th of the standing U.S army which was deployed
along the Texas-Mexico border in a vain effort to stem the flow of
runaways. Defiant Mexicans stood their ground, refused to return
runaways, continued supporting slave uprisings and providing
assistance to escaping slaves. In the words of Felix Haywood, a
Texas slave, whose experience is recalled in "The Slave Narratives
of Texas, "Sometimes someone would come along and try to get us to
run up north and be free. We used to laugh at that. There was no
reason to run up north. All we had to do was walk, but walk south
and we'd be free as soon as we crossed the Rio Grande".

What a Difference a Border Made

1857, was a year whose profound irony made it one of the most
interesting. 1857 was the year that the U.S. Supreme Court ruled
against Dred Scott, an enslaved African who had sued for his
freedom, on the grounds that his owner had forfeited any claim to
him, after taking him into a free state. Ironically 1857 was the
same year that the Mexican Congress adopted Article 13 declaring
that an enslaved person was free the moment he set foot on Mexican
soil.

MEXICO AS A PROVIDER OF JOB OPPORTUNITIES FOR AFRICAN-AMERICANS

During the 1890's, hundreds of black migrants fed-up with slave-like
conditions and segregation, left Alabama for Mexico and
established ten large colonies. Shortly thereafter, during the
period of the Mexican Revolution, large numbers of black people
migrated from New Orleans to Tampico, Mexico as the oil industry
prospered. These Africans in Mexico established branches of Marcus
Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association. One of the black
oil workers who came to Tampico stated, "there is no race
prejudice, everyone is treated according to his abilities". During
the same period, black heavyweight champion Jack Johnson asserted
that Mexico was "willing not only to give us the privileges of
Mexican citizenship, but was also willing to champion our cause".

Juan Uribe, a major Mexican official, visiting Los Angeles in 1919,
was quoted as saying, " My only regret is that it is not physically
possible to immediately transport several million African Americans
to my beloved Mexico, where the north yields her riches as nowhere
else and where people are not disturbed by artificial standards of
race or color". Similarly, African American immigrant Theodore Troy
said, " I am going to a land where freedom and opportunity beckon
me as well as every other man, woman and child of dark skin. In
this land there are no Jim Crow laws to fetter me; I am not denied
opportunity because of the color of my skin and wonderful
undeveloped resources of a country smiled upon by God beckon my
genius on to their development". A black colony which included
fifty families, developed fruit orchards and engaged in cattle
raising. It established itself in Baja, California, in the Santa
Clara and Vallecitos Valleys situated between Ensenada and Tecate,
approximately thirty miles south of San Diego and lasted into the
1960's.

Not to be overlooked is the enormous success of the Negro Baseball
Leagues in Mexico during the 1930's and 1940's. Black ball players
together with 4-500 family members seeking relief from racism in
the U.S. and segregated institutions, were hosted in Mexico by
generally respectful competitors and admiring fans. One competitor
in particular, Ray Dandridge played for 18 years in Mexico, before
Jackie Robinson gained admission into U.S. major league baseball.
Also, from the 1930's to the 1960's, major Mexican muralists, such
as Diego Rivera, David Siqueiros and Jose Clemente Orozco invited
prominent African American artists such as Hale Woodruff, John
Biggers, Elizabeth Catlett and Charles White to the Mexican Art
School where they developed an art style which helped them to
connect images, more effectively, to ethnic and class struggle.

Of course there are many more historical intersections where
Mexican and African people cooperated with each other. A few
examples were the solidarity between the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC)/Black Panther Party and Brown Berets;
SNCC and the Alianza Federal de Pueblos Libres and El Movimiento
Estudiantil Chicano de Atzlan (MEChA) and the Black Student Union
(BSU). Mack Lyons, a black member of the United Farmworkers Union's
National Executive, negotiated its contract with Coca Cola, which
owns Minutemaid and sizeable Florida orange groves. In Los Angeles,
during the 90's, black and brown students recognizing common
history and mutual interests, formed African and Latino Youth
Summit (ALYS).

Admittedly, Vicente Fox is no Vicente Guerrero. The Mexico of
today is profoundly different from the refuge that once welcomed
fugitive slaves, or land of opportunity that embraced African
American job-seekers; yet, its beautiful history of support, for
African Americans, in need of allies, cannot be erased. It might
prove useful to see the relationship between black and brown people
as similar to the bond between a man and woman. It is beautiful
most of the time, but there are moments when it is tested and may
become strained. When this happens one or both must give more and
work to increase or renew trust.

Pass this material on to others.

The black or brown reader of this piece should now know, that the
best of our history together, as black and brown people, speaks to
the necessity of collaborating during the worst of times. A wise
people are a grateful people, and never content themselves with
recalling and celebrating their legendary alliance with an
important neighbor. Instead, they press forward, fully aware that
mutually-supportive relationships are still possible and necessary.
----------------------------------------------------------
Special acknowledgement is extended to historians Rosalie Schwartz,
Gerald Horne, Rodolfo Acuna and Omar Farouk, whose earlier
investigative efforts in the field of African-Mexican
collaboration, contributed to making this work possible.

The Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
(415) 863-9977
www.freedomarchives.org

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