NY Times - For Guantánamo Review Boards, Limits Abound

----------------------------------------------------------

The New York Times

December 31, 2006
For Guantánamo Review Boards, Limits Abound

By TIM GOLDEN

GUANTÁNAMO BAY, Cuba — At one end of a converted trailer in the
American military detention center here, a graying Pakistani
businessman sat shackled before a review board of uniformed
officers, pleading for his freedom.

The prisoner had seen just a brief summary of what officials said
was a thick dossier of intelligence linking him to Al Qaeda. He had
not seen his own legal papers since they were taken away in an
unrelated investigation. He has lawyers working on his behalf in
Washington, London and Pakistan, but here his only assistance came
from an Army lieutenant colonel, who stumbled as he read the
prisoner's handwritten statement.

As the hearing concluded, the detainee, who cannot be identified
publicly under military rules, had a question. He is a citizen of
Pakistan, he noted. He was arrested on a business trip to Thailand.
On what authority or charges was he even being held?

"That question," a Marine colonel presiding over the panel
answered, "is outside the limits of what this board is permitted to
consider."

Under a law passed by Congress and signed by President Bush in
October, this double-wide trailer may be as close to a courtroom as
most Guantánamo prisoners ever get. The law prohibits them from
challenging their detention or treatment by writs of habeas corpus
in the federal courts. Instead, they may only petition a single
federal appeals court to examine whether the review boards followed
the military's own procedures in reviewing their status as "enemy
combatants."

But an examination of the Guantánamo review boards by The New York
Times suggests that they have often fallen short, not only as a
source of due process for the hundreds of men held here, but also as
a forum to resolve questions about what the detainees have done and
the threats they may pose.

Some limitations have long been evident. The prisoners have no right
to a lawyer, or to see classified evidence, or even to know the
identity of their accusers. What has been less visible, however, is
what many officials describe as a continuing shortage of information
about many detainees, including some who have been held on sketchy
or disputed intelligence.

Behind the hearings that journalists are allowed to observe is a
system that has at times been as long on government infighting and
diplomatic maneuvering as it has been short on hard evidence. The
result, current and former officials acknowledged, is that some
detainees have been held for years on less compelling information,
while a growing number of others for whom there was thought to be
stronger evidence of militant activities have been released under
secret arrangements between Washington and their home governments.

Military officials emphasize that the boards are an administrative
forum and were never intended to replicate judicial standards of
fairness. But they say the hearings offer prisoners a viable
opportunity to rebut the government's evidence.

"At the end of the day, it's about giving the detainee the
flexibility and freedom to present his case," said Capt. Philip L.
Waddingham, a former Navy pilot who oversees the operations of the
panels at Guantánamo.

Administration officials also emphasize that the reviews are more
rigorous than the battlefield tribunals that have traditionally been
used to determine the status of wartime prisoners under the 1949
Geneva Conventions.

But the Geneva tribunals were established to answer questions about
the identities of soldiers and spies from regular armies. Sorting
through the identities and past actions of suspected participants in
a shadowy global terrorist network, military officials said, has
proved far more complex.

To date, 377 Guantánamo detainees, nearly half of the 773 who have
been held there, have been released or transferred to other
governments. Of those, about 150 have been repatriated through the
review process since mid-2004, officials said.

The administration's push to reduce the Guantánamo population is
more evident in another statistic. The final arbiter of prisoner
releases, Deputy Defense Secretary Gordon R. England, has overruled
the panels' recommendations in more than 15 percent of the 237 cases
he has decided so far this year, officials said. In virtually all of
those, the boards had recommended continued detention.

Still, a recent study of the review process found that detainees
arguing their innocence were routinely denied witnesses they tried
to call, even when the witnesses were other prisoners at Guantánamo.
Lawyers for the detainees complain that the government has made
almost no effort to have the panels consider information they have
gathered and has often blocked their attempts to learn the
accusations against their clients.

"We have tried again and again to have a say in the process," said
Barbara Olshansky, a lawyer who has coordinated much of the work of
the detainees' lawyers for the Center for Constitutional
Rights. "But we learned pretty early on that these were kangaroo
courts."

Many of the detainees appear to have given up on the reviews as a
way to win their freedom. In the latest round of annual hearings,
which were completed this month, only 18 percent of the prisoners
chose to attend.

Evolution of the Hearings

The review system at Guantánamo began operating in July 2004, more
than two years after most detainees were imprisoned there. Officials
said it was intended in part to deflect criticism that the prison
had become a legal black hole. They also hoped it would resolve what
had become a contentious struggle among national security agencies
over which prisoners to hold and which to free.

Even before Mr. Bush decided in February 2002 that the United States
would not observe the Geneva Conventions in fighting terrorism,
Donald H. Rumsfeld, then the defense secretary, dismissed the idea
of Geneva-style hearings for the detainees, maintaining that they
would never be entitled to the prisoner-of-war status that such
tribunals could grant them in other conflicts.

"There is no ambiguity in this case," Mr. Rumsfeld said.

Yet intelligence officers at Guantánamo found ambiguity everywhere.
Many of the detainees had been captured by Afghan militias,
Pakistani border guards and other surrogates, and some had been
turned in for bounties, intelligence officials said. Information
about their identities and actions was often vague and secondhand.
Physical evidence, if any existed, was sometimes lost before
reaching Cuba.

Still, the detainees who were held on the weakest information tended
not to be a priority for either intelligence officers or the
military's criminal investigators.

"It wasn't the job of the intelligence community to verify their
guilt or innocence," said Col. Brittain P. Mallow, a retired Army
investigator who led a task force that gathered evidence for war
crimes tribunals that are expected to prosecute about 50 to 70 of
the remaining 396 detainees.

Faced with growing international criticism, the Bush administration
moved in May 2004 to set up a kind of annual parole system, called
Administrative Review Boards, to weigh each detainee's continuing
threat and intelligence value. But before those hearings began, the
Supreme Court called that June for a one-time review of all
Guantánamo detainees using the sort of panels called for by Army
regulations — and by the Geneva Conventions.

Those first panels, called Combatant Status Review Tribunals, or
C.S.R.T.'s in military parlance, required three military officers to
decide cases by majority vote, based on a "preponderance of the
evidence." The boards were allowed to consider a wide range of
intelligence, including statements obtained by coercion.

Midlevel officers were assigned to help the detainees prepare for
their hearings. Military lawyers were not permitted to serve in that
role, however, because of concern that limitations on that
assistance might open the lawyers to charges of violating
professional ethics rules.

Lawyers at the Defense and Justice Departments had another worry:
that detainees found to be "not enemy combatants" might sue the
government for wrongful imprisonment. Partly for that reason,
officials said, the review office was instructed to use the
phrase "no longer enemy combatants."

By the time the C.S.R.T. reviews got under way, intelligence
agencies had confirmed that half a dozen detainees released from
Guantánamo were fighting for the Taliban in Afghanistan. Such risks
were raised frequently in government debates.

"It was sort of a mantra in the system: `You have got to make sure
that you don't release any of the wrong people,' " recalled Charles
W. Moore Jr., a now-retired vice admiral who set up the review
apparatus under Mr. England.

Reviewing Decisions

The early results of the hearings, in which officials said a
surprising number of detainees were found not to be enemy
combatants, only heightened the unease.

Internal critics, including the Defense Intelligence Agency, the
Central Intelligence Agency and the Special Operations branch of the
Pentagon, complained heatedly that the boards did not properly
understand the intelligence they were assessing, said current and
former officials who participated in the debates.

The critics were later allowed to provide further training to the
panels. In the first round of annual reviews after the C.S.R.T.'s,
officers with military intelligence backgrounds also took over the
role, previously assigned to lawyers, of vetting evidence and
presenting the government's case.

While some officials perceived an undue influence over the panels
from intelligence agencies and their allies, others said those
critics were mostly beaten back.

"The intelligence community wanted to derail the C.S.R.T. process
and dictate the decisions, and that didn't happen," said one former
senior official, who, like several others, would discuss the policy
deliberations only on the condition of anonymity.

According to documents and interviews, the Pentagon office in charge
of the reviews ordered the repetition of some C.S.R.T. boards that
recommended the release of detainees. Defense Department officials
would not discuss those cases in detail.

The largest number of repeated hearings appears to have involved
some of the 22 Muslim detainees from western China who were part of
the Uighur (pronounced WEE-gur) ethnic minority.

The Uighurs' sworn enemy was not the United States but the Communist
government of China, which had long oppressed their people. The
military accused the detainees of belonging to a separatist group
that the Chinese authorities had persuaded Washington to list as a
terrorist organization, but some experts on the region disputed that
characterization of the group and the detainees denied any link to
it.

The State Department, fearful that the men would be tortured if they
were sent back to China, had already begun trying to place the
Uighurs as refugees in Europe when their cases came for review at
Guantánamo, officials said.

"We were shocked that they even sent those guys before the
C.S.R.T.'s," said one former national security official who worked
on the matter. "They had already been identified for release."

Because the Uighurs told very similar stories, Pentagon officials
were confounded when at least five of them were determined not to be
enemy combatants and the rest properly held, officials said.

At least several of the Uighurs, including some found not to be
enemy combatants, had their cases reviewed again, officials said.
They described the impetus for doing so as "quality control." But
available documents show that at least one of the detainees, whose
case was reviewed again, was finally found to be an enemy combatant.

Five Uighur detainees were finally sent to Albania as refugees in
May.

Some Aren't Revisited

Yet other cases in which questions arose were not revisited. One of
those involved a Sudanese man, Adel Hassan Hamad, who was seized in
Pakistan in 2002.

According to the unclassified summary of allegations in his first
hearing, Mr. Hamad, who is now about 48, had worked for two
nongovernmental organizations, or N.G.O.'s, with ties to Al Qaeda
and had come into contact "with persons who had positions of
responsibility in Al Qaeda." But the military presented no
unclassified information that Mr. Hamad was anything but a hospital
administrator and former teacher, or that he knew of his employers'
purported ties.

As with all such cases, it is not possible to judge independently
the evidence against Mr. Hamad because part of it is secret. But
while two panel members found him to be rightfully detained, a third
officer, an Army lawyer whose name was blacked out in the
declassified document, objected strongly.

Even if the unclassified allegations were true — and Mr. Hamad said
he knew nothing about Qaeda links — "a mere association with Al
Qaeda does not qualify as a basis for enemy combatant status," the
lawyer wrote in a formal dissent. The officer, who also studied the
secret evidence, said the military was declaring Mr. Hamad an enemy
combatant because some parts of the organization he worked for had
allegedly supported "terrorist ideals and causes."

"To reach such a conclusion would provide for unconscionable
results," he wrote. It might mean, he added, that "all physicians,
nurses and aid workers employed by the alleged terrorist-connected
N.G.O.'s would also be declared enemy combatants."

The panel's 2-to-1 decision was reviewed by two other military
lawyers, each of whom tersely upheld its "legal sufficiency." One of
them, Cmdr. James R. Crisfield Jr. of the Navy, described the Army
officer's dissent as "articulate and thoughtful," but emphasized the
review panels' modest standard of proof.

"Given the low evidentiary hurdle posed by a preponderance-of-
evidence standard and the rebuttable presumption of genuineness and
accuracy that attaches to government evidence, I believe that the
test is satisfied in this case," Commander Crisfield wrote.

Despite the limited evidence against Mr. Hamad, documents from his
first annual review show little further substance to the military's
accusations. They noted that a brother of the Sept. 11 plotter
Khalid Shaikh Mohammed was once a manager at one of the charities
where Mr. Hamad worked. But the military was now asserting only that
the group "may be affiliated with Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda
operations."

Two federal public defenders in Portland, Ore., who took Mr. Hamad's
case last year said they had located about a dozen witnesses who
corroborated parts of his account. Although much of that information
has been filed as part of a habeas case in federal court, there is
no sign yet that it has made any difference for Mr. Hamad.

"I don't think there was any substantive attempt by the military to
find witnesses who could get to the bottom of this," said one of the
lawyers, Patrick J. Ehlers. "There were hundreds of other people out
there who worked for these groups. None of those people were
arrested, and none of them were questioned."

Constraints on the System

Several officials who helped establish the review panels said they
tried to create mechanisms that would let detainees present
witnesses and evidence and allow the panels to gather new
information.

But some officials said those ambitions, however sincere, had often
been undone by the speed of most reviews — often conducted in just
hours — and the low priority assigned to the collection of
information on the detainees by intelligence agencies and foreign
governments. This year, three panels at Guantánamo handled as many
as 13 or 14 cases a week, they said.

"There are real time constraints and real resource constraints," one
retired military officer said. "They usually ended up without
anything new, so the boards were just dusting off old files and
trying to have a fair and impartial body look at that old
information."

Captain Waddingham, the chief of the review office at Guantánamo,
said the boards followed the recommendations of military
intelligence officials 95 percent of the time. But both he and the
overall head of the review program, Frank Sweigart, insisted that
the panels were able to get new information when they needed it.

"We are always looking for supporting facts, and if we can't find
them, we ask for them," Mr. Sweigart, a retired Navy captain, said
in an interview. "There really is a lot of information out there for
a number of them — especially for the detainees who are there today."

But other current and former officials described a system that was
frequently inefficient in collecting information that might
determine a prisoner's fate.

Some officials said military and civilian intelligence agencies gave
little priority to requests for information from the panels,
particularly when they involved time-consuming inquiries overseas.
And though officials including Mr. England, the deputy defense
secretary, have urged foreign governments to develop and pass on
their own information about detainees from their countries, few of
them did.

Officials said some governments, including those of Kuwait and
Bahrain, had provided extensive files on their detainees. Partly out
of diplomatic considerations, they said, the State Department
pressed Mr. England to move up review hearings for at least several
detainees from those two countries and, ultimately, to overrule
review panel decisions and repatriate them.

On Nov. 3 last year, the Pentagon sent two Kuwaitis and three
Bahrainis home from Guantánamo on Mr. England's approval, despite
what two officials said had been negative rulings by the review
panels in at least some of those cases.

But other releases are harder to explain. In one such case, lawyers
for Nazar Chaman Gul, an Afghan prisoner, said they were mystified
to learn of the repatriation on Dec. 16 of another Afghan, Mohammad
Akhtiar, after his annual review.

Mr. Akhtiar had been accused of launching a rocket attack on an
American military base in Afghanistan in early 2003. Declassified
transcripts of Mr. Gul's hearings suggest that a major piece of
incriminating evidence against him was that he was captured with Mr.
Akhtiar at his home. (Another problem seemed to be that he was
confused with another Afghan with the same name, who is also being
held at Guantánamo.)

"Gul's greatest sin seemed to be his association with Mohammad
Akhtiar," said a lawyer for Mr. Gul, Amy Baggio. "Unfathomably,
Akhtiar is now home with his family while Nazar Gul is going on his
fourth year in custody."

Lawyers say that detainees who have tried to use the review system
to challenge the accusations against them have often been
frustrated. According to a recent study of 102 unclassified C.S.R.T.
files by the Seton Hall University law school, the military denied
all requests by the detainees for witnesses who were not also being
held at Guantánamo and denied requests for detainee witnesses 74
percent of the time.

Although a growing number of lawyers have begun to conduct their own
investigations into accusations against their clients, a former
military intelligence officer who has presided over dozens of review
boards was dismissive of those contributions.

"As far as what the habeas lawyers have to say, for the most part it
wouldn't factor in because they have made themselves not credible,"
said the officer, a Marine colonel who suggested that the lawyers
took detainees' claims of innocence at face value.

The lawyers respond that the obstacles to their input in the process
raise questions about the military's desire to learn everything it
can about the detainees. More than a week after the hearing for the
Pakistani businessman accused of ties to Al Qaeda, a Washington
lawyer who had been trying to help him told a reporter that he had
not even known the session had taken place.

"There is no hint of any kind of due process in this," said the
lawyer, Gaillard T. Hunt. "He's got no right to an investigation.
But substantively, it really doesn't matter, because they can always
just say they have this classified information that he can't see."